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Because stocks usually decline in price on the ex-dividend date, investors who missed buying the stock before the ex-dividend date may be able to get the stock at a discount equal to the dividend on or after the ex-dividend date.

Going by the feedback we had from countless riders, our partners and the press, the 2022 event was once again able to impress with great riding, perfect weather, and a long list of unusual and exciting event details, creating a unique enduro experience for everybody.

More than just a race, THE MERIDA EX presented by Shimano, is an adventure filled with punishing climbs, beautiful singletrack and stunning descents on some of the least-ridden trails in the country. We will have over 20 timed special stages, spread over approx. 110 km of riding. Check here for further details.

THE MERIDA EX presented by Shimano, is based on providing not just top-level riding but also on going all out on every other aspect of our event, from facilities to food and from an all-inclusive bar to our uplift element. From the start, we made it our mantra to not cut corners and provide the highest possible standard at THE MERIDA EX.

When a company announces that it will pay out a dividend, it will also announce how much will be paid to shareholders, and the date that investors must own shares to receive the dividend payment, which is known as the record date. The ex-dividend date serves as a cutoff date after which new investors to the company must wait for the next dividend.

On February 1, Company A declares a dividend that will be paid to its shareholders on March 30; this is the payment date. Company A also says that shareholders who own the stock on or before February 10 will be entitled to the dividend; this is the record date. The stock will trade ex-dividend one day before the record date, which in this example would be February 9. In this case anyone who buys the stock before the ex-dividend date of February 9 will receive the March 30 dividend. Those who purchase shares on the ex-dividend date or after will have to wait until the next dividend is declared.

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Marsha Gordon is Professor of Film Studies at North Carolina State University, a former Fellow at the National Humanities Center, and the recipient of a National Endowment for the Humanities Public Scholar award. She is the author of numerous books and articles and codirector of several short documentaries.

A space for exploring experimental and multi-form writing in combination with disciplines including (but not limited to) visual art, mixed-media, science and technology, audio, performance, and video; a space of endless possibility.

Ex officio board members are not necessarily elected or appointed, rather they agree to serve in a position because the organization needs their expertise or influence in that position. Another common misperception is that the term, ex officio, is a category of a specific type of membership similar to a lifetime membership, emeritus membership, or sustaining membership. While the term is not a type of membership, serving in the capacity of an ex officio board member may carry some of the benefits of membership with it.

An ex officio board member does not have to retain a membership in the organization, but under some circumstances a person with an existing membership may need or want to fill a board position without being elected or appointed. Some examples include a member that offers to serve as treasurer, chair of a standing committee, serve on the national board of a local affiliate, or an employee that is under the authority of an organization. Members that serve as ex officio members have all the rights and obligations of the board meetings or committee that they serve on. This includes the right to discuss, debate, make decisions, and vote. It also makes them accountable for the duties of their position as stated in the by-laws.

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This is an especially important problem in the emerging field of quality improvement (QI) in health care. The impact of QI interventions tends to be startlingly variable across apparently similar settings, and the positive effects of early iterations of interventions are often difficult to replicate (Lomas 2005). Four of the explanations for this phenomenon are as follows:

When QI initiatives are implemented without a proper understanding of what they involve and how they work, they similarly risk becoming distorted imitations that succeed only in reproducing the superficial outer appearance but not the mechanisms (or set of mechanisms) that produced the outcomes in the first instance. In new contexts, not having a well-explicated program theory risks the program's failure.

A big challenge for those trying to replicate a QI program is that the theory explaining why a program worked (or did not work) may not be discovered by inspecting the program's protocols or reading the formal, protocol-driven study reports. Programs almost never proceed as planned. Instead, they, and the assumptions that guide them and shape their actions, usually change over time as the programs progress. For instance, program leaders must respond to human agency and institutional contexts that affect the feasibility of their plans, and they need to figure out ways of doing things that they may not have thought of at the start. Ideally, the evolution of the program and the lessons learned are captured through evaluative fieldwork conducted in real time as the program is carried out. With some exceptions (e.g., Benning et al. 2011), such studies remain rare in QI, but the need to both describe the program and understand how it works remains just as pressing, particularly when apparently successful programs are rolled out in new contexts.

In answer to an invitation published in the Michigan Hospital Association's newsletter, forty ICUs initially signed up for the program. Then, as word got around, other ICUs requested participation, and in the end, 85 percent of Michigan's ICU beds were included. The large number of participants, which increased as time went on, was evidence of a process known in sociology as institutional isomorphism. Institutional isomorphism refers to how organizations come to look like one another, for example, by adopting similar processes, practices, and structures (DiMaggio and Powell 1983). This kind of similarity of form is often found in organizations facing similar problems. The Michigan ICUs were a community of organizations engaged in the same kinds of activities in the same area of health care and were subject to similar reputational and regulatory pressures. Accordingly, they were naturally inclined to compare their procedures and structures, and so we might expect that over time the organizations would mimic the more successful ones.

In Michigan, achieving the community's consensus on CVC-BSIs as a social problem required (1) disrupting norms and behaviors that treated CVC-BSIs as inevitable and (2) developing a set of standardized interventions that the community would accept and implement. The process of displacing existing norms is, however, often uncomfortable and delicate, requiring multiple negotiations and realignments of identities, understanding of roles, and interests. The Michigan program achieved this by creating something like a professional movement (Bucher 1962) that combined some (though not all) of the characteristics and tactics of a social movement (Bate, Robert, and Bevan 2004) but retained the structure of a formal, federally funded intervention. The idea of a professional movement was not part of the program at the outset but gradually emerged over time and was recognized only later by the social scientists.

Second, the community-based model developed in Michigan was likely one of the keys to its success. It allowed lessons to be shared and community bonds and obligations to be formed that generated highly effective (and inexpensive) normative effects and encouraged peer monitoring. By developing horizontal links between the participating units, the program was able to mobilize social forces beyond what would have been possible had the model been solely vertical (each unit engaging with the program team individually). Operating as a professional movement, the community was able to generate the energy and momentum of a grassroots movement while at the same time the program team was able to provide enough vertical structure, leadership, and resource to contain activities, ensure focus and direction, and secure the inclusion and cooperation of all relevant stakeholders. It enabled local people to assume leadership roles and achieve change. Third, the combination of strategies used at the sharp end of the ICUs had both expressive and instrumental functions that probably helped both practically and symbolically to institutionalize good practice and change culture. 041b061a72

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